ON INTELLECTUAL CRAFTSMANSHIP(1952) by C. Wright Mills
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(Reprinted from SOCIETY, January/February 1980. This essay is a fascinating
"self-portrait"of C. Wright Mill's own sense of intellectual craftsmanship which
was to become the cornerstone of his much acclaimed, THE SOCIOLOGICAL
IMAGINATION. It makes us appreciate why Mill is one of the foremost social
scientists in the 20th century.His highly-acclaimed works include THE
SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION, THE POWER ELITE, THE MARXISTS, WHITE COLLAR, among
others.)
Everyone seriously concerned with teaching complains that most students do
not know how to do independent work. They do not know how to read, they do not
know how to take notes, they do not know how to set up a problem nor how to
research it. In short, they do not know how to work intellectually. Everyone
says this, and in the same breath asserts: "But then, you just can't teach
people how to think,"which they someties qualify by: "At least not apart from
some specific subject matter,"or "At least not without tutorial instruction."
There is the complaint and there are the dogmatic answers to the complaint,
all of which amount to saying: "But we cannot help them much." This essay is an
attempt to help them. It is neither a statement of formal method nor an attempt
to inspire. Perhaps there are already too many formal discourses on method, and
certainly there are too many inspirational pieces on how to think. Neither seem
to be of much use to those for whom they are apparently intended. The first
does not usually touch the realities of the problem as the beginning student
encounters them: the second is usually vulgar and often nonsense.
In this essay, I am going to try candidly to report how I became interested
in a topic I happen now to be studying, and how I am going about studying it. I
know that in doing this, I run the risk of failing in modesty and perhaps even
of claiming some peculiar virtue for my own personal habits. I intend no such
claims. I know also that it may be said: "Well, that's the way YOU work; but
it's not of much use to me." To this the reply seems quite clear; it is:
"Wonderful. Tell me how you work." Only by conversations in which experienced
thinkers exchange information about their actual, informal ways of working can
"method" ever really be imparted to the beginning student. I know of no other
way in which to begin such conversations, and thus to begin what I think needs
to be done, than to set forth a brief but explicit statement of one man's
working habits.
I must repeat that I do not intend to write about method in any formal
sense, nor, under the guise of methodology, to take up a statesman-like pose
concerning the proper course for social science. So many social scientists
nowadays, it seems to me, seem always to be writing about something; and, in the
end, to be thinking only about their own possible thinking. This may indeed be
useful to them and to their future work. But it seems to me rather less than
useful to the rest of those at work in the social studies, to those who are just
beginning their studies, or to those who have lived with them for quite a while.
Useful discussions of method and theory usually arise as marginal notes on
work in progress or work about to get under way. In brief, "methods" are simply
ways of asking and answering questions, with some assurance that the answers are
more or less durable. "Theory" is simply paying close attention to the words
one uses, especially their degree of generality and their interrelations. What
method and theory properly amount to is clarity of conception and ingenuity of
procedure, and most important, in sociology just now, the release rather than
the restriction of the sociological imagination.
To have mastered "theory" and "method," in short, means to have become a
self-conscious thinker, a man ready for work and aware of the assumptions and
implications of every step he will take as he tries to find out the character
and the meaning of the reality he is working on. On the contrary, to be mastered
by "method"and "theory" means simply to be kept from working: from trying, that
is, to find out about some area of reality. Just as the result of work is
infirm without insight into the way it was achieved, so is the way meaningless
without a determination that the study shall come to an end and some result be
achieved. Method and theory are like the language of the country you live in:
it is nothing to brag about that you can speak it, but it is a disgrace , as
well as an inconvenience, if you cannot.
I forget how I became technically concerned with "stratification", but I
think it must have been by reading Veblen. He had always seemed to me very
loose, even vague about his "business" and "industrial" employments, which are a
kind of translation of Marx for the academic American public. Marx himself, I
think it must be agreed, is quite unfinished and much too simple about classes;
he did not get to write a theory of classes, although Max Weber finished one
version which I believe Marx would have liked. When in the early forties I
began, with Hans Gerth, to translate some of Weber's writings --it was the first
essay we published--certain conceptions were cleared up for me.
I then wrote a book on labor organizations and labor leaders -- a
politically motivated task; then a book on the middle classes--a task primarily
motivated by the desire to articulate my own experience in New York City since
1945. It was thereupon suggested by friends that I ought to round out a trilogy
by writing a book on the upper classes. I think the possibility had been in my
mind: my plans have always exceeded my capacities and energies. I had read
Balzac off and on during the forties, and had been much taken with his
self-appointed task of "covering" all the major classes and types in the society
of the era he wished to make his own. I had also written a paper on "The
Business Elite", and had collected and arranged data about the careers of the
topmost men in American politics since the Constitution. These two tasks were
primarily inspired by seminar work in systematic American history.
In doing these several articles and books and in preparing courses on
different strata of modern society, I had accumulated a residue of ideas and
facts about the upper classes. It is especially difficult in the study of social
stratification to avoid going beyond one's immediate subject, because "the
reality" of any one stratum is in large part its relations to the rest.
Accordingly, I began to think of a book on "The American Elite."
And yet that is not "really" how the project arose. What really happened
is that the idea and the plan came out of my files; for all projects with me
begin and end with them, and books are simply organized releases from the
continuuous work that goies into them. Presently, I shall explain what these
files involve, but first I must explain the ideal of intellectual craftsmanship
that lies back of them and keeps me at work on them.
Life and Work
In joining the scholarly community, one of the first things I realized was
that most of the thinkers and writers whom I admired never split their work from
their lives. They seemed to take both too seriously to allow such dissociation,
and they wanted to use each for the enrichment of the other. Yet such a split
is the prevailing convention among men in general, deriving, I supposed , from
the hollowness of the work which men in general now do.
I recognized that insofar as I might become a scholar, I would have the
exceptional opportunity of designing a way of living which would encourage the
habits of good workmanship. It was a choice of how to live as well as a choice
of career; whether he knows it or not, the intellectual workman forms his own
self as he works towards the perfection of his craft. And so, I came early to
the conviction that to realize my own potentialities and opportunities I had to
try to construct a character which had as its core the qualities of the good
workman. Somehow I realized that I must learn to use my life experience in my
intellectual work: continually to interpret it and to use it. It is in this
sense that craftsmanship is the center of oneself and that one is personally
involved in every intellectual product upon which one may work.
To say that one can "have experience", means, in part, that past experience
plays into and affects present experience, and that it limits the capacity for
future experience. But I have to control this rather elaborate interplay, to
capture experience and sort it out; only thus can I use it to guide and test my
reflection and in the process shape myself as an intellectual craftsman. A
personal file is the social organization of the individual's memory; it
increases the continuity between life and work, and it permits a continuity in
the work itself, and the planning of the work; it is a crossroads of life
experience, professional activities, and way of work. In this file the
intellectual craftsman tries to integrate what he is doing intellectually and
what he is experiencing as a person. Here he is not afraid to use his
experience and, as it were, to cross-classify them with various projects which
he has under way. It is the link between life and work; in it the two become
one.
By serving as a check on repetitious work, my file enables me to conserve
what little energy I have. It also encourages me to capture "fringe-thoughts":
various ideas occur, which may be byproducts of everyday experience, snatches of
conversation overheard on the street, or for that matter, dreams. Once noted,
these may lead to more systematic thinking, as well as lend intellectual
relevance to more directed experience.
I have often noticed how carefully accomplished thinkers treat their own
minds, how closely they observe their development and codify their experience.
The reason they treasure their smallest experiences is because, in the course of
a lifetime, a modern man has so very little personal experience, and yet
experience is so important as a source of good intellectual work. To be able to
trust one's own experience, even if it often turns out to be inadequate, is one
mark of the mature workman. Such confidence in one's own experience is
indispensable to originality in any intellectual pursuit, and the file is one
tool by which I have tried to develop and justify such confidence.
If the intellectual workman is a man who has become self-confidently aware
of himself as a center of experience and reflection, the keeping of a file is
one way of stabilizing, even institutionalizing, this state of being. By the
keeping of an adequate file and the self-reflective habits this fosters, one
learns how to keep awake one's inner world. Whenever I feel strongly about
events or ideas I try not to let them pass from my mind, but instead to
formulate them for my files and in so doing draw out their implications, show
myself either how foolish these feelings or ideas are, or how might be developed
into articulate and productive shape. The file also maintains the habit of
writing. I cannot "keep my hand in" if I do not write something at least every
week. In the file, one can experiment as a writer and thus develop one's own
powers of expression.
Arrangement of File
Under various topics in this file there are ideas, personal notes, and
excerpts from books; there are bibliographic items and outlines of projects--it
is, I suppose, a matter of arbitrary habit, but I have found it best to blend
all these items into a master file of topical projects, with many subdivisions.
The topics, of course, are frequently changed. For instance, when as a student
I was working toward the preliminary oral examination, the writing of a thesis,
and , at the same time, doing term papers, files were arranged in these three
focal areas of endeavor. But after a year or so of graduate work, I began to
reorganize the whole file in relation to the main project of the thesis. Then
as I pursued my work I noticed that no one project ever dominated my work, nor
set the master categories in which the file was arranged. In fact, the use of
this file encouraged an expansion of the categories with which I was actively
thinking. And the way in which these categories changed, some being dropped out
and others being added, was an index of my own intellectual progress and
breadth. Eventually, the file came to be arranged according to several larger
projects, having many subprojects, which changed from year to year.
All this involves the taking of notes. It is my habit to take a very large
volume of notes from any book I read which I feel worth remembering. For the
first step in translating experience, either of other men's symbols or of one's
own life; into the intellectual sphere is to give, it form. Merely to name an
item of experience often invites us to explain it; the mere taking of a note
from a book is often a prod to reflection. At the same time, the taking of a
note is an additional mechanism for comprehension of what one is reading.
My notes seem to be of two sorts. In reading certain very important books
i try to grasp the structure of the writer's thoughts, and take notes
accordingly. But more frequently, in the last ten years, I do not read whole
books, but rather parts of many books, from the point of view of some particular
theme in which I am interested, and concerning which I usually have plans in my
file. Therefore, I take notes which do not fairly represent the books I read.
I am using this particular passage, this particular experience, for the
realization of my own projects. Notes taken in this way form the contents of
memory upon which I may have to call.
Use of File
But how is this file -- which so far must seem to the reader more like a
journal -- used in intellectual production? Well, the maintenance of this file
is intellectual production, one step removed from daily musing, and one step
removed from the library and "the field"; it is a continually growing store of
facts and ideas, from the most vague to the most finished.
The first thing I did lupon deciding on a study of THE AMERICAN ELITE was
to make a crude outline, based on a listing of the types of people I wished to
understand. The next step was to examine my entire file, not only those parts
of it which obviously bore on the topic, but also many others which seemed to
have no relevance whatsoever. For imagination and "the structuring of an idea"
are often exercised by putting together hitherto isolated items, by finding
unsuspected connections. I made new units in the file for this particular range
of problems, which , of course, led to a new arrangement of other parts of the
file.
As I thus rearranged the filing system, I found that I was loosening my
imagination. This apparently occurred by means of insight deriving from merely
trying to combine various ideas and notes on different topics. It is a sort of
logic of combination, and "chance" sometimes plays a curiously large part in it.
In a relaxed way, as it were, I tried to engage my intellectual resources, as
exemplified in the file , with the new themes.
I also began to use my observations and daily experiences. I thought first
of experiences I had had whichs bore upon such problems, and then I went and
talked with those who I thought might have experienced or considered the issues.
As a matter of fact, I began now to alter the character of my routine so as to
include in it (1) people who WERE the phenomeon, (2) people in contact with the
phenomenon, and (3) people interested in them. I do not know the full social
conditions of the best intellectual workmanship, but certainly surrounding
oneself with a circle of people who will listen and talk -- and at times they
have to be imaginary characters--social and intellectual--which I think might
lead me into thinking well along the lines of my work. That is one meaning of
my remarks about the fusion of personal life and intellectual work.
My kind of work is not, and cannot be, made up of one clear-cut empirical
"research." It is, rather, composed of a good many small-scale studies which at
key points anchor general statements about the shape and the trend of the
subject. So the decision -- what are these anchor points?--cannot be made until
existing materials are reworked and general hypothetical statements constructed.
I found in the files three relevant types of "existing materials": several
theories having to do with the topic; materials already worked up by others as
evidence for THOSE theories; and data already gathered and in various stages of
accessible centralization, but not yet made theoretically relevant. Only after
completing a first draft of a theory with the aid of such existing materials as
these can I efficiently locate my own pivotal assertions and so design
researches to test them -- and maybe I will not have to, although, of course, I
know I will later have to shuttle back and forth between existing materials and
my own research.
I make it a rule -- picked up, I suppose, from philosophical reading which
led me into the sociology of knowledge -- that any final statement must not only
cover the data so far as the data is available and known to me, but also in some
way, positively or negatively, take into account the available theories. (This
is one of the things I mean by the methodological consequences of the sociology
of knowledge). Sometimes this "taking into account" of a theory is easily done
by a simple confrontation of the theory with overturning or supporting fact;
sometimes a detailed analysis or qualification is needed. Sometimes I can
arrange the available theories systematically as a range of alternatives, and so
allow their range to organize the problem itself. But sometimes I allow such
theories to come up only in my own arrangement, in quite various contexts. At
any rate, in THE AMERICAN ELITE, I will have to take into account the work of
such men as Mosca, Schumpeter, Veblen, Marx, Lasswell, Michel, Pareto, and I am
now at work on them.
In looking over some of the notes of these writers, I find that they fall
into three general types of statement: (1) I learn directly, by restating
systematically, what the man says on given points or as a whole; (2) I accept or
refute these statements, giving reasons and arguments; (3) I use the book as a
source of suggestions for my own elaborations and projects. This involves
grasping a point and then asking: How can I put this into testable shape and
then test it? How can I use this as a center from which to elaborate -- use it
as a perspective from which descriptive details will become relevant? It is in
this handling of existing theory that I feel myself in continuity with previous
work. Here are two excerpts from preliminary notes on Mosca, which may
illustrate what I have been trying to describe:
"In addition to his historical anecdotes, Mosca backs up his thesis with
this assertion: It's the power of organization that enables the minority always
to rule. There are organized minorities and they run things and men.There are
unorganized majorities and the are run. (There are also statements in Mosca
about psychological laws supposed to support his view. See his use of the word
NATURAL. But this isn't central, and, in addition, it's not work considering).
But: why not also consider the apparent opposite? In fact, why not the full
scale of possibilities?
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| | Elite | Mass | | | (Minority) | (Majority) | |
Organized | 1 | 2 | |
Unorganized | 3 | 4 | |
1 the organized minority
2 the organized majority
3 the unorganized minority
4 the unorganized majority
This is worth full-scale exploration. The first thing that has to be
straightened out: just what is the meaning of "organized"? I think Mosca means
: capable of more or less continuous and coordinated policies and actions. If
so, his thesis is right by definition. He would also say, i believe , that an
"organized majority" is impossible because all it would amount to is that new
leaders, new elites , would be on top of these majority organizations, and he is
quite ready to pick up these leaders in his THE RULING CLASS. He callsl them
"directing minorities," all of which is pretty flimsy stuff alongside his big
statement.
One thing that occurs to me is the use of the table (I think it is the core
of the problems of definition Mosca presents to us) as a model for trend
analysis. Try this: from the 19th to the 20th centuries, we have witnessed a
shift from a society organized as 1 and 4 to a society estalished more in terms
of 2 and 3. We have moved from an elite state to an organizations state, in
which the elite is no longer so organized nor so unilaterally powerful, and the
mass is more organized and more powerful. Some power has been made in the
streets, and around it whole social structures and their "elites" have pivoted.
And what section of the ruling class is more organized than the farm bloc? That
is not a sdrhetorical question: I can answer it either way at this time; it's a
matter of degree; all I want now is to get it way out in the open.
Mosca makes one point that seems to me excellent and worth elaborating
further. There is often in "the ruling class," according to him, a top clique
and there is this second and larger stratum, with which (A) the top is in
continuous and immediate contact, and with which(B) it shares ideas and
sentiments and hence, he believes, policies(page 430). Check and see if anywhere
else in the book, he makes other points of connection. Is the clique recruited
largely from the second level? Is the top, in some way, responsible to, or at
least sensitive to, this second stratum?
Now forget Mosca: in another vocabulary, we have. (A) the elite, by which we
here mean that top clique, (B) those who count, and (C) all the others.
Membership in the second and third, in this scheme, is defined by the first, and
the second may be quite varied in its size and composition and relations with
the first and the third.(What, by the way, is the of variations of the
relations of B to A and to C? Examine Mosca for hints and further extend this
by considering it systematically).
This scheme may enable me more neatly to take into account the different
elites, which are elite according to several dimensions of stratification. Also,
of course, to pick up in a neat and meaningful way the Paretian distinction of
governing and non-governing elites in a way less formal than Pareto. Certainly
many top status people would at least be in the second. So would the big rich.
The Clique or The Elite would refer to power, or to authority, as the case may
be. The elite in this vocabulary would always mean the power elite. The other
top people would be the upper classes or the upper circles.
So, in a way, maybe, we can use this in connection with two major problems:
the structure of the elite; and the conceptual--later perhaps, the substantive--
relations of stratification and elite theories.(Work this out).
From the standpoint of power, it is easier to pick out those who count than
those who lrule. When we try to do the first we select the top levels as a sort
of loose aggregate and we are guided by position. But when we attempt the
second, we must indicate in clear detail how they wield power and just how they
are related to the social instrumentalities through which power is exercised.
Also we deal more with persons than positions, or at least have to take persons
into account.
Now power in the U.S. involves more than one elite. How can we judge the
relative positions of these several elites? Depends upon the issue and
decisions being made. One elite sees another as among those who count. There is
this mutual recognition among the elite, that other elites count; in one way or
another they are important people to one another. roject: select 3 or 4 key
decisions of last decade --to drop the atom bomb, to cut or raise steel
production, the G.M. strike of '45-- and trace in detrail the personnels
involved in each of lthem. Might use "decisions" and decision-making as
interview pegs when you go out for intensives."
Empirical Work
There comes a time -- not as yet reached in this study -- when I am through
with books. Whatever I want from them is down in my own notes and abstracts; on
the margins of these notes, as well as in a separate file, are further ideas for
empirical studies.
I do not like to do empirical work if I can possibly avoid it. It means a
great deal of trouble if one has no staff; if one does employ a staff, then the
staff is often more trouble than the work itself. Moreover, they leave as soon
as they have been trained and made useful. More seriously, in a field like
sociology there is so much to do by way of initial "structuring"(let the word
stand for the kind of work I am describing) that much "empirical research" is
bound to be thin and uninteresting.
In our situation, empirical work as such is for beginning students and for
those who are not able to handle the complexities of big problems; it is also
for highly formal men who do not care what they study so long as it appears to
be orderly. All these types have a right to do as they please or as they must:
they have no right to impose in the name of science such narrow limits on
others. Anyway, they do not bother me.
Although I shall never be able to get the money with which to do many of
the empirical studies I design, it is necessary for me to continue designing
them. For once I lay out an empirical study, it leads me to a new search for
data which often turns out to have unsuspected relevance for my problems. Just
as it is foolish to design an empirical field study if the answer can be got
from a library, so it is foolish to think you have exhausted books before an
appropriate empirical study has been translated into questions of what facts are
needed. So considered, library materials help the researcher who is working
outside the research organizations to approach real answers.
Empirical studies necessary to my kind of work must show to
characteristics. First, they must be relevant for the first draft, of which I
wrote above; they have to anchor it in its original form or they have to cause
its modification, or to put it more abstractly, they must have implications for
theoretical constructions. Second, the projects must be efficient and neat and,
if possible, ingenious. By this Il ean that they must promise to yield a great
deal of material in proportion to the time and effort they involve.
Now, I have not decided upon the studies necessary for the present job, but
here is the beginning of a larger design within which various small-scale
studies have begun to arise. Again I excerpt from the files:
" I am not yet in a position to study the upper circles as a whole in a
systematic and empirical way. So what I do is set forth some definitions and
procedures that form a sort of ideal design for such a study. I can then
attempt, first, to gather existing materials that approximate this design;
second, to think of convenient ways of gathering materials, given the existing
indices, that satisfy it, at crucial points; and third, as I proceed, to make
more specific the full-scale, empirical researches that would in the end be
necessary.
The upper circles must, of course, be defined systematically in terms of
specific variables. Formally -- and this is more or less Pareto's way -- they
are the people who "have" the most ofl whatever is available of any given value
or set of values. So I lhave to make two decisions: What variables shall I take
as the criteria, and what do I mean by "the most"? After I've decided on my
variables, I must construct the best indices I can, if possible quantifiable
indices, in order to distribute the population in terms of them; only then can I
begin to decide what I mean by "the most". This should, in part, be left for
determination by empirical inspection of the various distributions, and their
overlaps.
My key variables should, at first, be general enough to give me some
latitude in the choice of indices, yet specific enough to invite the search for
empirical indices. As I go along, I'll have to shuttle between conceptions and
indices, guided by the desire not to lose intended meanings and yet to be quite
specific about their indices. Here are the four Weberian variables with whichI
will begin:
1. Class refers to sources and amounts of income. So I'll need property
distributions and income distributions. The ideal material here(which is very
scarce, and unfortunately dated) is a cross-tabulation of source and amount of
annual income. Thus, we know that X per cent of the population received during
1936 Y millions or over, and that Z percent of all this money was from property,
W per cent from entrepreneural withdrawal, Q percent from wages and salaries.
Along this class dimension, can define the upper circles--those who have the
most-- either as those who receive given amounts of income during a given time
-- or , as those who makel up the upper two percent of the income pyramid. Look
into treasury records and lists of big taxpayers. See if TNEC tables on source
and amount of income can be brought up to date.
II. Status refers to the amounts of deference received. For this, there are no
simple or quantifiable indices. Existing indices require personal interviews for
their application and are limited so far to local community studies. There is
the further problem that, unlike class, status involves social relations; at
least one to receive and one to bestow the deference.
It is easy to confuse publicity with deference--or rather, we do not yet
know whether or not volume of publicity should be used as an index to status
position, although it is the most easily available:(For example: On one of three
successive days in mid-March 1952, the following categories of people were
mentioned by name in The New York Times --or on selected pages -- work this
out).
III. Power refers to the realization of one's will even if others resist. Like
status, this has not been well indexed. I don't think I can keep it a single
dimension, but will have to talk of (a) formal authority--defined by rights and
powers of positions in various institutions, especially military, political and
economic; and (b) power known informally to be exercised but not formally
instituted--pressure group leaders, propagandists with extensive media at their
disposal, and so on.
IV. Occupation refers to activities that are paid for. Here, again, I must
choose just which feature of occupation I should seize upon. (a) If I use the
average incomes of various occupations to rank them, I am using occupation as an
index, and as a basis of class. In like manner(b) if I use the status or the
power typically attached to different occupations, then I am using occupations
as indices, and bases, of power and skill or talent. But this is by no means an
easy way to classify people. Skill is not a homogeneous something of which
there is more or less. Attempts to treat it as such have usually been put in
terms of the length of time required to acquire various skills, and maybe that
will have to do, although I hope I can think of something better.
Those are the types of problems I will have to solve in order to define
analytically and empiricaly the upper circles, in tems of these four key
variables. For purposes of design, assume I have solved them to my
satisfaction, and that I have distributed the population in terms of each of
them. I would then have four sets of people: those at the top in class, status,
power and skill. Suppose further, that I have singled out the top two percent of
each distribution, as an upper circle. I then confront this empirically
answerable question: How much, if any, overlap is there among each of these four
distributions?
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